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2018年3月22日星期四

(133) Benjamin Whorf: Habitual Behavior Features of Hopi Cutlure


Benjamin Lee Whorf (1939): The relation of habitual thought and behavior to language, LANGUAGE, THOUGHT, and REALITY, Cambridge: Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Pp. 148-151.

中譯本
(美)本杰明.李.沃爾夫著,高一虹等譯:《論語言、思維和現實:沃爾夫文集》,長沙:湖南教育出版社,2001年,頁136-139。(又2012年北京商務印書館再版)

(輯按:以下譯文,由輯者以中譯本為基礎加以修訂)

HABITUAL BEHAVIOR FEATURES OF HOPI CULTURE
霍皮文化慣常行為的特徵

Our behaviour, and that of Hopi, can be seen to be coordinated in many ways to the linguistically conditioned microcosm. As in my fire casebook, people act about situations in ways which are like the ways they talk about them. A characteristic of Hopi behaviour is the emphasis on preparation. This includes announcing and getting ready for events well beforehand, elaborate precautions to insure persistence of desired conditions, and stress on good will as the preparer of right results. Consider the analogies of the day-counting pattern alone. Time is mainly reckoned “by day” (taʟk, -tala) or “by night” (tok), which words are not nouns but tensors, the first formed on a root “light, day,” the second on a root “sleep.” The count is by ORDINALS. This is not the pattern of counting a number of different men or things, even though they appear successively, for, even then, they COULD gather into an assemblage. It is the pattern of counting successive reappearances of the SAME man or thing, incapable of forming an assemblage. The analogy is not to behave about day-cyclicity as to several men (“several day”), which is what WE tend to do, but to behave as to the successive visits of the SAME MAN. One does not alter several men by working upon just one, but one can prepare and so alter the later visits of the same man by working to affect the visit he is making now. This is the way the Hopi deal with the future – by working within a present situation which is expected to carry impresses, both obvious and occult, forward into the future event of interest. One might say that Hopi society understands our proverb ‘Well begun is half done,’ but not our ‘Tomorrow is another day.’ This may explain much in Hopi character.

This Hopi preparing behavior may be roughly divided into announcing, outer preparing, inner preparing, covert participation, and persistence. Announcing, or preparative publicity, is an important function in the hands of a special official, the Crier Chief. Outer preparing is preparation involving much visible activity, not all necessarily directly useful within our understanding. It includes ordinary practicing, rehearsing, getting ready, introductory formalities, preparing of special food, etc. (all of these to a degree that may seem overelaborate to us), intensive sustained muscular activity like running, racing, dancing, which is thought to increase the intensity of development of events (such as growth of crops), mimetic and other magic, preparations based on esoteric theory involving perhaps occult instruments like prayer sticks, prayer feathers, and prayer meal, and finally the great cyclic ceremonies and dances, which have the significance of preparing rain and crops. From one of the verbs meaning “prepare” is derived the noun for “harvest” or “crop” : na'twani ‘the prepared’ or the ‘in preparation’[1].

霍皮人的準備行為大約分為:宣佈準備、外在準備、內心準備、背後參與和堅持。只有族中的「傳令長」才有權宣佈準備。外在準備是肉眼可見的行為,在常人眼中對事情不一定有用,包括練習、綵排、進行有指導作用的儀式、準備特定的食品、(他們甚至投入得有點過份)、長時間的劇烈運動如奔跑、比賽、跳舞(他們相信會加強事物的發展,如農作物的生長)。還有具備模仿或其他性質的巫術活動。按神秘的理論,他們事先準備祭棒、羽飾、饗食,以舉行祭祀和舞會,以期「準備」雨水和收成。霍皮族「na'twani」一詞解作「準備了的」或「準備中」,就是由「收成」、「農穫」的意思衍生出來的。

Inner preparing is use of prayer and meditation, and at lesser intensity good wishes and good will, to further desired results. Hopi attitudes stress the power of desire and thought. With their “microcosm” it is utterly natural that they should. Desire and thought are the earliest, and therefore the most important, most critical and crucial, stage of preparing. Moreover, to the Hopi, one’s desires and thoughts influence not only his own actions, but all nature as well. This too is wholly natural. Consciousness itself is aware of work, of the feel of effort and energy, in desire and thinking. Experience more basic than language tells us that, if energy is expended, effects are produced. WE tend to believe that our bodies can stop up this energy, prevent it from affecting other things until we will our BODIES to overt action. But this may be so only because we have our own linguistic basis for a theory that formless items like “matter” are things in themselves, malleable only by similar things, by more matter, and hence insulated from the powers of life and thought.

內心準備主要是祈禱和冥想,再保持積極的思想以期願望成真。霍皮人非常重視願力思想,在他們的世界觀而言,這是理所當然的。發願和調整思想是最早、最重要、最關鍵的準備行為。霍皮人認為,一個人的願力和思想不但影響自己的行為,也影響大自然。發願和思考時,他的意識就會投射到工作,感覺到自己正在努力和投入能量。

消耗了能量,就會產生效果,這是比語言更基礎的經驗。一般人以為,在付諸實行之前,念頭只停留在腦海中,不會影響其他東西。然而,這之所以成立,是因為我們有一套建基於語言之上的理論:無形的東西如「事情」是物自體,只會受類似的東西影響(也就是其他事情),而不受現實和思想影響[2]

It is no more unnatural to think that thought contacts everything and pervades the universe than to think, as we all do, that light kindles outdoors does this. And it is not unnatural to suppose that thought, like any other force, leaves everywhere traces of effect. Now, when WE think of a certain actual rosebush, we do not suppose that our thought goes to that actual bush, and engages with it, like a searchlight turned upon it. What then do we suppose our consciousness is dealing with when we are thinking of that rosebush? Probably we think it is dealing with a “mental image” which is not the rosebush but a mental surrogate of it. But why should it be NATURAL to think that our thought deals with a surrogate and not with the real rosebush? Quite possibly because we are dimly aware that we carry about with us a whole imaginary space, full of mental surrogates. To us, mental surrogates are old familiar fare. Along with the images of imaginary space, which we perhaps secretly know to be only imaginary, we tuck the thought-of actually existing rosebush, which may be quite another story, perhaps just because we have that very convenient “place” for it. The Hopi thought-world has no imaginary space. The corollary to this is that it may not locate thought dealing with real space anywhere but in real space, nor insulate real space from the effects of thought. A Hopi would naturally suppose that his thought (or he himself) traffics with the actual rosebush-or more likely, corn plant – that he is thinking about. The thought then should leave some trace of itself with the plant in the field. If it is a good thought, one about health and growth, it is good for the plant; if a bad thought, the reverse.

既然很多人以為陽光照遍宇宙萬物,思想可以影響宇宙萬物這種想法就不無道理。以此類推,思想跟其他力量一樣會到處留下影響。當我們幻想一片玫瑰花叢,不會認為我們的思想可以像探射燈一樣直達現實那片花叢,與它接合。那麼,我們幻想玫瑰花叢時,思想對像到底是什麼?也許我們會覺得那是一個虛擬影像、現實的代替品,但真的是這樣嗎?我們會認為自己有一個能容納各種虛擬影像的想像空間,玫瑰花叢的影像理所當然地與其他事物的影像一同存放在這個空間裡。霍皮人沒有這樣的概念,他們覺得指向現實的思想也處於現實,而現實也受思想影響。當一個霍皮人幻想一片玫瑰花叢,他會相信自己的思想(或其本人)跟現實的花叢(更多時是農作物)有所交集,並留下痕跡。如果是正面的思想,如「茁壯成長」,那就對植物有利;反之則不利。

The Hopi emphasize the intensity-factor of thought. Thought to be most effective should be vivid in consciousness, definite, steady, sustained, charged with strongly felt good intentions. They render the idea in English as ‘concentrating, holding it in your heart, putting your mind on it, earnestly hoping.’ Thought power is the force behind ceremonies, prayer sticks, ritual smoking, etc. The prayer pipe is regarded as an aid to “concentrating” (so said my informant). Its name, na'twanpi, means ‘instrument of preparing’.

霍皮人注重如何加強思想力量。逼真、堅定、穩固、持久、善良的念頭,影響力最大。在英語,這可以理解為「全神貫注」、「念念不忘」、「專心一志」、「孜孜以求」(concentrating, holding it in your heart, putting your mind on it, earnestly hoping)。思想力量在儀式、祭棒、祭煙背後發揮作用。祭管是協助人「集中精神」的工具(受訪者說),名為na’tqanpi,意思是「準備的工具」[3]

Covert participation is mental collaboration from people who do not take part in the actual affair, be it a job of work, hunt, race, or ceremony, but direct their thought and good will toward the affair’s success. Announcements often seek to enlist the support of such mental helpers as well as of overt participants, and contain exhortations to the people to aid with their active good will[4].  A similarity to our concepts of a sympathetic audience or the cheering section at a football game should not obscure the fact that it is primarily the power of directed thought, and not merely sympathy or encouragement, that is expected of covert participants. In fact these latter get in their deadliest work before, not during, the game!

背後參與就是精神上的支持。有些人雖然不直接參與狩獵、競賽或祭祀,但仍然會利用自己的思想和願力促成該事情。霍皮人宣佈準備時,除了招募參與者,也經常徵求這種精神支持者,呼籲大家發揮積極意念。跟足球場上的球迷和啦啦隊不同,他們付出的不僅是認同和鼓勵,而是更直接的精神力量。而且,關鍵時刻是比賽前,而不是比賽中!

A corollary to the power of thought is the power of wrong thought for evil; hence one purpose of covert participation is to obtain the mass force of many good wishers to offset the harmful thought of ill wishers. Such attitudes greatly favor cooperation and community spirit. Not that the Hopi community is not full of rivalries and colliding interests. Against the tendency to social disintegration in such a small, isolated group, the theory of “preparing” by the power of thought, logically leading to the great power of the combined, intensified, and harmonized thought of the whole community, must help vastly toward the rather remarkable degree of cooperation that, in spite of much private bickering, the Hopi village displays in all the important cultural activities.

思想既然有力量,邪惡的思想自然有負面影響,所以背後參與的其中一個目的就是要集合正願者的力量,抵消惡願者的力量。這種想法促進了霍皮族的團結和社群精神。指的不是他們沒有仇怨和利益衝突,他們也不乏私人口角;但這個偏遠的小部落的確憑藉這套「用思想力量來準備」的理念抑制了分裂;順理成章,整個社群的思想變得一致、強大、和諧,故而他們在所有文化活動中都展現出非凡的協調能力。


[1] The Hopi verbs of preparing naturally do not correspond neatly to our “prepare”; so that na'twani could also be rendered ‘the practiced upon, the tried for,’ and other wise.
[2]譯注:這裡有點晦澀。此處所謂「事情」(matter)其實指腦海中某件事物的投影,一般人認為這些投影獨立於現實的事物而存在,所以是「物自體」(things in themselves)。下文「玫瑰花叢」的例子解釋得很清楚。
[3]譯注:祭管,原譯作「祈禱時用的管樂器」,但資料顯示似乎是類似煙槍的工具,所以上文才提到ritual smoking。姑且統籠地譯作祭管。
[4]See, e.g., Ernest Bèaglechole, Notes on Hopi economic life (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no. 15, 1937), especially the reference to the announcement of a rabbit hunt, and on p.30, description of the activities in connection with the cleaning of Toreva Spring – announcing, various preparing activities, and finally, preparing the continuity of the good results already obtained and the continued flow of the spring.

2018年3月21日星期三

(132) 英文問卷範例(二)

University of Nottingham: 
Using English Online (2018)

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9. How would you describe your level of English?
[Post-beginner level] (I can hold simple conversations such as greetings and introducing someone, read simple materials, and write a simple passage in elementary English)
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10. How often do you do these things using English?
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14. How often do you use English online to:

Write reviews on websites like Tripadvisor, Amazon, or Yelp
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17. Can you describe what you find difficult about using English in Email?

24. How comfortable do you feel when taking part in the following activities online using English?
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25. And how comfortable do you feel when taking part in the same activities using English in OFFLINE situations (face-to-face, on the telephone, or in writing)?

26. Do you agree or disagree with the following statements:
Using English to communicate online has improved my English skills.
I have more opportunities to use English online than offline.
I would be interested in learning more about the kind of English I use offline.
I would like more content related to online English in the English textbooks I use.

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(131) 英文問卷範例

Her Majesty’s Passport Office
Customer Experience Survey (2017)

Thank you for agreeing to take part in this research study. Your opinions are very important to Her Majesty’s Passport Office and will help us continue to improve the application process for overseas applicants.

The survey should take no more than 10-15 minutes to complete.

All responses will be anonymous and your identity will be kept confidential. Your results will not be presented in any way that would enable you to be personally identified.

4. Thinking about the whole process of applying for a passport, how you would rate your overall experience, on a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 means “poor”, and 10 means “excellent”? Please include any dealings with third parties, such as getting your passport photos, and the counter-signatory.

5. Thinking about when you applied, how informed did you feel about what to do, what was needed, and what to expect?
Please give your answer on a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 means “not at all informed” and 10 means “very informed”.

6. On a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 means “strongly disagree”, and 10 means “strongly agree”, can you tell me whether you agree or disagree with the following statements?
(Please select one option for each statement.)

7. If you had any problems while filling out the application, did you do any of the following? (Please tick as many as apply.)

8. Now thinking about the photos you obtained as part of your application, how easy did you find it to get photos which met all of the requirements? Please give your answer on a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 means “not at all easy” and 10 means “very easy”.

9. How easy was it for you to understand which supporting documents to send to us? Please give your answers on a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 means “not at all easy” and 10 means “very easy”.

As part of your application, once you paid for your passport you should have received an email from HM Passport Office with some tips for the next stage of your application. Thinking about this...  12. Did you receive this email?

13. On a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 means “no help at all”, and 10 means “extremely helpful”, how helpful did you find receiving this email message?

15. What method did you use to send your signed declaration or application form to HM Passport Office?

18. How many times did you have to send documents to HM Passport Office after your initial application?

20. Did you call or email HM Passport Office at all with a query at any point during the application process?

21. Did you, at any point during the process of applying for and receiving your passport, need to raise an issue or make a complaint to HM Passport Office, (this could be in person, by telephone or email, or by post)?

22. How long did you expect it to take to receive your passport from the time you submitted your application to the point you received your passport?

23. And how long did it actually take for you to receive your passport from the time you submitted your application to the point you received your passport?

24. How would you rate the speed of delivery of your passport, that is, the time it took from you submitting your application to the point you received your passport? Please answer on a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 means “very poor”, and 10 means “excellent”.

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27. Are you...? Female Male Prefer not to say

2018年3月20日星期二

(130) 陳雲:A Federation for Hong Kong and China

陳雲:華夏邦聯概論
《紐約時報》,2015年6月14日

Chin, W. (2015, June 14). A Federation for Hong Kong and China. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/15/opinion/a-federation-for-hong-kong-and-china.html

HONG KONG — The debate over how Hong Kong’s leader should be elected in 2017 has flared up again. Later this week the local legislature is expected to vote on a controversial plan by the Chinese government — the one that triggered the Umbrella Movement and the lengthy occupation of several major neighborhoods in the city last fall.

The Chinese government proposes that candidates for the position of Hong Kong chief executive be preselected by a handpicked nomination committee. Democrats in Hong Kong argue that this vetting system guts Beijing’s promise to Hong Kongers that they would get to elect their top official by universal suffrage.

When Beijing invokes “one country-two systems” to justify its position, it is gesturing at Hong Kong’s uniqueness while pretending that the territory is just another subordinate municipality of the mainland. But these two systems are too different to belong to the same country, and their relationship must be redefined.

By the time the British handed Hong Kong over to Beijing in 1997, this territory hadn’t been a part of China for more than 150 years. In the interim, mainland China experienced a short republican rule and a longer Communist regime. In addition to undergoing many political changes, it abandoned orthodox religious customs, traditional written Chinese and the classical pronunciation of local Chinese languages like Cantonese. In Hong Kong, however, those things were preserved, even nurtured.

Almost two decades later, the cultural differences between Hong Kong and mainland China are more than quaint local variations; they represent competing claims to Chinese identity. Hong Kong’s culture today is both more modern and more authentically Chinese — or more rooted in ancient traditions — than the culture of mainland China.

This, combined with the relative autonomy Hong Kong already enjoys, has major political implications. While officially a special administrative region within the People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong really is more like a federate entity. And that is how Hong Kong and mainland China should treat each other in the future: as equal members of a formal Chinese confederation, also including Macau and Taiwan.

Hong Kong’s peculiarity owes much to British colonialism. When in 1925-1926 an extended workers strike in nearby Guangzhou drew more than 250,000 sympathetic Hong Kongers, Governor Cecil Clementi realized that a form of defensive patriotism risked pushing the colony’s subjects to associate with their Chinese compatriots on the mainland. To ward that off, he introduced policies fostering traditional local culture — for example, hiring former Manchu officials and scholars who had fallen out of favor in Republican China to teach Chinese classics in Hong Kong’s new government schools and universities.

This policy of cultural revivalism became even clearer after the Communist Party took over China in 1949. The colonial authorities in Hong Kong favored the use of Cantonese over Mandarin, Hakka and Chiu Chow in official contexts, elevating the language from the streets to the schools, then the courts and Parliament. They also preserved Chinese religions and folk customs, touting them to foreign tourists as representing Old China.

Meanwhile, a huge influx of mainlanders moved to Hong Kong: By some accounts the city’s population grew from about 600,000 to more than two million between 1945 and 1953, and it continued to increase as collectivization was implemented in Communist China. A significant number of refugees came from Shanghai, Ningbo, Beijing and Tianjin, cities that were avant-garde compared to Hong Kong in business, education, fine arts and mass entertainment. While they brought modernity to Hong Kong’s hyper-traditional Cantonese culture, they found in the territory’s free press and generally open culture a haven for self-expression. By the 1970s — after the economic shock caused by this massive exodus had largely been absorbed — this mixing of peoples was breeding idiosyncratic cultural products, like Kung Fu movies.

This distinctive cultural identity as well as the de facto autonomy Hong Kong had acquired under the British were recognized and protected in the 1984 treaty between Britain and China that defined the terms of Hong Kong’s handover in 1997 and the territory’s status for 50 years after that. The 1984 Joint Declaration called for the creation of a Basic Law, a quasi-constitution, for Hong Kong. The Basic Law formalized the “one country-two systems” concept, and stated as an “ultimate aim,” “the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.”

Only the concept of “one country-two systems” is a misnomer and a transparent ploy. The P.R.C., though officially recognized as a country — with a seat at the United Nations, and even a veto on the Security Council — falls short of the designation. It has no democracy, constitutional rule in name only, and human rights protections that are not enforced. Its attempt to create a national republic with a unitary Chinese culture has gone off track. The P.R.C. as a nation is a concept more aspirational than organic: a political construct peddled by the Chinese Communist Party as a means of control and a claim to legitimacy. The P.R.C. is a party-state rather than a nation-state.

Hong Kong, for its part, has some of the trappings of statehood. It has its own passport, its own currency, its own monetary reserve, its own customs regime, its own legal system. Some international bodies, like the World Trade Organization, treat it as a member in its own right, separately from China. Even Beijing sometimes lapses into treating Hong Kong like another country: The investment law of mainland China deems Hong Kong investors to be foreign; in its annual statistics the Chinese government counts investment from Hong Kong as foreign.

Much like the city-states of the Hanseatic League during the Renaissance were building blocks in the formation of modern European states, the quasi-state that is Hong Kong today is best understood as a precursor of a Chinese confederation to come.

This idea is not as fanciful as it may sound. Hong Kong is the first regional government in the history of China to have gained a significant measure of autonomy through a contractual arrangement with Beijing: the Basic Law. And though that deal is not set to expire until 2047, Hong Kong and China will have to renegotiate it very soon. Hong Kong’s economic viability hinges on the stability and predictability of its investment climate, and many mortgages and other financial instruments have 30-year terms, meaning that their basic parameters have to be known by 2017 at the latest.

Beijing will not simply renew the Basic Law: The text’s 50-year term was meant as a probation. On the other hand, the Chinese government cannot just take over Hong Kong in 2047. In recent years, it has increasingly exercised a semi-clandestine form of control over Hong Kong’s top officials, capital, real estate, mainstream media and university administration. But it cannot go all the way and jeopardize Hong Kong’s reputation as an international financial hub that operates smoothly and under the rule of law.

Beijing resists granting Hong Kong more democratic freedoms today because, at bottom, it fears that would encourage Hong Kongers to demand complete autonomy one day. So rather than continue deadlocking over the question of democracy, better to address head-on the underlying sovereignty issue — and creating a formal Chinese confederation would relieve Beijing from worrying that it may eventually lose Hong Kong to independence.

With the sovereignty matter resolved, a calmer discussion could be had about which political systems would govern each entity in the confederation. The stakes of that debate would be lower then, and Hong Kong’s chances at obtaining proper democracy would be greater.

Establishing a Chinese confederation would also be good for China. It would solve Beijing’s Hong Kong problem, and by the same token, could solve its Taiwan problem, too. And since each entity in the confederation could have its own system of governance, more democracy for Hong Kong would not necessarily mean more democracy for the mainland. Allowing Hong Kong to become what its people want it to be would also help the Chinese government keep mainland China as it is.

Chin Wan is assistant professor of Chinese at Lingnan University in Hong Kong and the founder of the Hong Kong Resurgence Order.

2018年3月19日星期一

(129) 文革中的旅順博物館

吳潤璿:
《在滿洲:探尋歷史、土地和人的旅程》
新北市:八旗文化,2016年

擷自:〈《文革大時代,一個館長如何保住一間博物館》〉,端傳媒 Initium Media,2017年7月14日(節錄)

在旅順博物館的入口,我嘎吱嘎吱地走在精心整理過的碎石道上。「看起來我們像是來到了維也納。」我這麼說,而解說員也同意我的看法。

「當日本人從俄國手中拿下這座城市時,他們想要展現出自己當時有多麼文明開化。」她說:「這棟建築物跟中國其他建築都不相同,甚至跟日本的也不一樣。」這讓我想起一座哈布斯堡的宮殿。博物館的兩個樓層在樸實的大理石正面都有整排的高聳拱型窗戶,兩旁被像是西洋棋中城堡模樣的塔給圍住。只有周遭的柏樹能讓人記得仍身處亞洲。

進入館內,我們──在下雨的星期二只有我們幾個訪客──看過20間陳列廳,展示日本殖民者對中華文明的精選收藏品。古銅器!殷商甲骨!梵文經!絲路木乃伊!成吉思汗的畫像!精緻的清朝瓷器!博物館6000件展品放在懸掛吊燈照明的展間內,用鑲有日本帝室菊花徽紋的拋光胡桃木玻璃櫃給罩著。

我再度被人們能這麼深深進入滿洲的過去──並且觸及──感到驚訝。就在隔壁的前關東軍司令部中,我用手指滑過滿洲國的地圖。地圖上有著山海關,滿洲旗兵穿過此處席捲長城和整個中國,那柳條邊就在大荒地村上方區域形成一個交叉點。這裡是滿洲里車站以及通往海參崴的鐵道。還有哈爾濱,以及這裡的旅順港。長春成了新京──位於地圖的中心點──滿洲國的首都。年輕的二兵長峰彰被派往防衛邊界,還有那些日本母親把嬰兒留下的松花江河堤。這裡是哈爾.萊斯為了解救戰俘而空降的高麗菜園,而那裡是鴨綠江上的斷橋。「你位於此處」的紅色字體標在大連市,那裡有個劉(廣堂)館長在他的博物館辦公室內等著一名穿著短褲,要帶著問題回饋給他的小氣鬼(輯按:作者自嘲)

我問他,旅順博物館歷經了幾十年是怎麼想方設法避免被損毀、或被劫掠、或被趕走,甚至是重塑?從來都沒有軍隊進駐?沒有被炸彈誤擊過?文革的紅衛兵怎麼會遺忘在那步調遲緩的旅順中還有個裝滿他們亟欲摧毀的「四舊」──舊思想、舊文化、舊風俗、舊習慣──藏寶箱呢?周恩來總理是否有打電話下達命令要紅衛兵放過旅順博物館?關於這項傳聞,我希望能親自向博物館館長求證。

劉館長笑著說:「那是流傳的說法,不過,實情可不是那麼一回事。我們把這些珍貴無價的收藏品全都裝箱,然後儲藏起來。大多數的展示櫃內都空無一物。我和館員們在大樓正面漆上革命標語、掛起紅色橫幅,還有鎖上前門。那段期間,我還是天天去上班,都從側門進去,等著紅衛兵來到。當他們真的來了,想要砸毀外面的雕像,可是,館員早已經在雕像周圍擺上障礙物。接著,他們想衝進館內。我告訴他們一切都太遲了,內部都已經被砸毀。我交出一些相對沒有價值的物件,他們做做砸毀的樣子,然後就離開了。」

劉館長的口氣聽起來並非浮誇吹噓,甚至也不驕矜,他說話的口吻就像是一名被徵召前去打仗而倖存的步兵。

「我整個生涯、我的一生,都在保護那座博物館,還有裡面的一切。」他說:「歸根究柢,我愛我的國家,我是個歷史學者,我熱愛中國歷史,所有的一切,不論好壞、也不論光榮與卑劣。旅順博物館──它的地基、建築物、收藏品──代表東北獨特的歷史,以及中國歷史中非常多的部分。」

這是我首次聽到一名官員以討喜的語調而非浮誇的口吻談論歷史。「博物館是做什麼用的?」劉館長問到。「它們是廣告品?不是。它們是我們祖先所創建出來活生生的故事。」

2018年3月17日星期六

(128) 《二世祖手記》及楊天成介紹

《二世祖手記》重印:上世紀鹹書大解放
《E週刊》,約2016年4月5日,頁27-31

上世紀五、六十年代,香港文壇盛極一時,當時有位作家叫楊天成,知名度可以和金庸分庭抗禮,他寫的不是甚麼大作,而是鹹濕通俗小說。

〈二世祖手記〉是他的代表作,以「二世祖」的身份論盡玩弄女性的經歷,五花八門的尋歡「窿路」,名流藝人的風流秘聞,絕對是引人入「性」,是當年香港平民的集體回憶。近日,有文化人便計劃將這本「手記」重印,希望保留這闋香港本土文化。

要解讀〈二世祖手記〉,我們找到穿梭歡場的文字工作者沈西城,以及《蘋果日報》前總編輯兼收藏家鄭明仁。兩個大男人,為了這本昔日鹹書,講到欲罷不能。

相約在咖啡室會面,鄭明仁小心翼翼地從膠袋中拿出共30冊的《二世祖手記》,坐在旁邊的沈西城引頸以待。二人之後隨手拿起其中幾本,翻來翻去。

「你聽我講。」沈西城以他最常用的口頭禪作為開場白。「《二世祖手記》絕對係經典之作。」他說,五、六十年代流行三、四毫子小說,這些書不會在大書店出現,一般在書報攤售賣,寫的多為言情小說、情色小說一類的通俗內容。

《二世祖手記》雖屬此類型小說,但定價絕非三、四毫,而是一元七角,可見其江湖地位。「當時一碗雲吞麵先三毫子,個七一本嘅小說,實在係貴書。」貴還貴,但該書實在暢銷,「一出就賣晒,一出就賣晒,係好多人睇好多人買。」沈西城說,其實不是人人都負擔得起書價,所以夾錢買書、租書傳聞之風甚盛。

色情文學 校園禁書
當時《二世祖手記》可說是校園禁書,同學們看的時候要收埋在枱底看。沈西城回想起50年前看這本書的情景時,仍然津津樂道。時至今日,該書仍是收藏家的恩物,亦是不少長者的「集體回憶」。鄭明仁說:「我有一位舊同學由外國返嚟,佢特意託書店老闆幫佢搵一本《二世祖手記》,個老闆最後搵我讓一本散本俾佢,佢開心到不得了!」

鄭明仁以「宗師」來形容《二世祖手記》的作者楊天成,說楊是一名多產作家。「佢嘅書唔可以話色情文學,描述性愛場面係點到即止。」鄭續道:「佢將時事、秘聞放喺小說入面,講出社會百態。」

事實上當時比《二世祖手記》更鹹的小說「大有書在」,例如夏飛《桃色獵艷》、《滾的世界》等一系列作品;反而《二世祖手記》在描述性愛場面時,只是三言兩語輕輕帶過。楊天成作品成功之處,是將時人時事寫入書中,令人相信「二世祖」所爆的內容絕非「吹水」。「例如喺1963年出版嘅早期作品中,就描述過1962年中國逃亡潮,寫《新報》派麵包俾中國難民,擺明係擦老細鞋。」鄭明仁說。

夾雜時事議題
楊天成喜歡在小說內滲入時局議題,例如在第8期一開首,便講到右派電影公司電懋的創辦人陸運濤在台灣墜機身亡一事,認為事因有可疑,不排除是政治謀殺的可能。不過這些都是輕輕一提,轉眼間「二世祖」又會將話題轉到「玩女」之上。

另外,楊天成也常常將一些名流藝人的秘聞,以暗喻姓名的方式注入小說內,例如以「隱晦」喻明星張揚,「黑水」喻女星白冰,二人曾合演電影《落馬湖》。

楊天成可說是個謎一般的作家。在世的文字工作者,對這個當年叱吒一時的作家所知並不多,舊報紙翻了又翻,只找到在1969年一些關於楊逝世的新聞。唯一肯定的,是楊先生本身是一名體育記者兼小說作家。

據了解,楊天成原名楊世英,1919年在內地出生,是江蘇人。曾在《武漢日報》當採訪主任,1949年來港,先在《小姐日報》當記者,及後轉為體育記者。他在小說方面的成就,絕對比他記者的成就大,他的成名作是《難兄難弟》,1960年胡楓和謝賢主演的同名電影也以此為藍本。其他作品還有《太太的情人》、《五月的紅唇》、《租妻記》等,其中《租妻記》被邵氏拍成電影《夏日的玫瑰》。

楊天成豪爽風流
目前已經找不到楊天成的半張相片,但據老作家形容。楊天成是一個體重達180磅的大肥佬,這和《二世祖手記》故事的主人翁陳洪非常相近。

書中的陳洪,是個又肥又矮但有錢的二世祖,自然不悉「兩餐」,現實中的楊天成想也差不多。據聞楊愛飲愛吃、吃出副肥身材;他為人甚豪爽,千元名錶贈佳人視為等閒。鄭明仁引述朋友說,楊有日到報館「預支」稿費,朋友為他擔傘,他一打賞就是十元,「他可能喺冇錢要同報館借,但咁都仲要講『派頭』。」

楊天成本人有多風流不得而知,但有傳他在內地已有四位太太,隻身來港後再娶兩個。電影中的江南才子唐伯虎得9位嬌妻羨煞旁人,楊天成一生艷福無邊,據聞除了正室,女友亦多不勝數,得到的稿費,多由女伴領錢,可見楊的「使費」實在不少。

楊臨終時遭遇也和唐伯虎有點類似。史書中的唐伯虎,死時只有一女相伴,而楊天成1969年癌病去世時,身旁卻一個女伴也沒有,身後事也只能由行家朋友處理。

本土派作家風行香江
楊天成可說是五、六十年代香港文壇的風雲人物。因應時局,當時的香港文壇分為三大流派,分別為傳統的左派、右派和本土派。而本土派又分為「通俗」和「青年文社」兩系,格局和當今香港的時局相當類似。

「傳統右派嘅錢係來自美國資助,例如《中國學生周報》咁。友聯出版社係主力,我哋個個都係飲友聯奶水大。」鄭明仁說,左派則是中共背後支持,但是不成氣候。反而文壇另一勢力本土派更具影響力。楊天成、傑克等等的通俗本土派和青年文社系的作家分庭抗禮。

至於通俗小說之父,則為《新報》創辦人羅斌莫屬。當年報章興起連載小說,《新報》每日都會連載各式各類小說,當中包括有言情、艷情、武俠和推理小說等等,楊天成固然是旗下炙手可熱的作家,倪匡、亦舒和依達也是其一手發掘。

大班欲重印 保存香港記憶
經歷半世紀風霜,《二世祖手記》的足跡似被時間慢慢洗刷消晦。然而仍有人不甘此本土文化就此消逝,率先引入《花花公子》(Playboy)雜誌中文版的「大班」鄭經翰,近日計劃將《二世祖手記》重新發行。

鄭經翰說,他也是《二手祖手記》fans,所以希望將這本曾膾炙人口的小說重新印行,留存下來。他計劃邀請資深文字工作者,為該書內容作一些導讀,期望新一代的讀者了解當時文化。

鄭表示,此舉和當前本土意識抬頭沒有半點關係,純粹是懷舊。至於該書的版權問題,他表示會和律師研究,先了解作者死後50年的版權是否仍然有效,抑或有公司已購入版權,再行解決。

談性事 既樂且淫
《二世祖手記》在1963年起由金剛出版社出版,環球出版社發行,是當時得令的通俗小說,最初在《新報》連載。依沈西城所言,該書銷量曾打敗過同時期金庸先生的武俠小說,是一時佳話。該書的主角陳洪,是一名又好色又矮但有錢的「二世祖」,其手記所寫的,就是他尋歡「玩女」的「經歷」。一百大元和「香港小姐」度一夕春宵,和靚女大談白種人、中國人和黑人牀上表現的分野,爆歡場女子喜歡找菲律賓男妓;神奇的「印度神丹」(不是電影《九品芝麻官》那一粒)只要放入口中,就能戰力大增,一吐出來便「排洩」。《二世祖手記》充斥着當時被視為「下流」的內容,楊天成在書中大談當時絕對不能「放上枱面」的性事。

通俗小說有價有市
通知小說在過去甚不環保,屬於「即看即棄」一類,但經過半世紀之後,此類書變成了寶,可說一冊難求。拍賣行負責人直言,目前通俗小說的拍賣價仍未有標準,但卻甚有生命力,有價有市。

普藝拍賣有限公司負責人莊先生說,舊小說可說是搶手貨,以一套三十冊的《二世祖手記》為例,便曾以8000元賣出,即原價的160倍,以印刷品來說,算是「相當滿意」的價錢。

他又指,通俗小說當年雖印量甚高,但現在卻由刊物變成「罕物」,每次拍賣,都是搶手貨。「如果有質素的(小說),又撞到買家,個價可以好高。」莊說。

(127) 中出羊子:生理調息機制已嵌入人類基因

中出羊子面書帖子
(sora.neverforget8964.org/posts/1161520577252601)
2016年9月24日

羊子養生觀察系列:中學畢業後長期日夜顛倒,覺得沒有問題,原因是認為大腦根本沒有日夜之分,只要睡眠時間穩定而充足,其實日間生活和夜間生活沒有分別,尤其夜晚不受打擾,容易集中。

後來我發覺我是錯的,生物好幾千萬年沒有電燈,作息時間亦依賴太陽同夜晚作為參考指標,好多生理調息的機制其實已經在進化過程中hardcode了入基因,主要以光線亮度和色溫、輔以其它小量非視覺因素作為基準來運行。基因改良速度極慢,要適應有電燈的現代社會,恐怕要另一個幾千萬年

(睡覺前燈光不宜太光,玩手機時也避免因為社運怨婦〔輯按:作者政敵〕嘢動氣,也要避免刺激嘅遊戲,盡量不要在這些時間與不可理喻的人鬧交)

(126) 侯松蔚:說理文章必須清晰

侯松蔚面書帖子(節錄)
(lozang.hau/posts/571438809556604)
2013年4月17日

昨天我又提醒過同學,寫論文時說理必須清晰,詳列推論的每一個步驟。例如推論過程是A-->B-->C-->D,由於ABCD都同時在我們心中,我們很容易寫成A-->B-->D,自以為寫得很完整,或者不自覺假設讀者看到B自然會想到C。

  寫論文乃至一般說理文章,應該當讀者甚麼都不懂,不要假設讀者自己會明白,道理要由作者說清楚。

  復次,有時我們心裡預設了某些前提,沒說出來,卻以為讀者早就知曉。例如妳報告中「其實我們不應該因為懼怕生惡道的苦而什麼都不做」一句,到底是說佛教本身就是要人「懼怕生惡道的苦而什麼都不做」,還是說有些不了解佛法的人「懼怕生惡道的苦而什麼都不做」?若是前者,應該寫清楚「佛教認為.....」之類;若是後者,則可寫「有些人以為.....」等等。從全文理路觀察,令人覺得妳的意思是前者。

2018年3月3日星期六

(125) Dani Alves: James Milner is the most 'annoying' opponent

Excerpt from: James Milner is the most 'annoying' opponent I've ever faced, says Barcelona defender Dani Alves, MailOnline (UK), 13 February 2016.

URL:
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/article-3445355

He may have faced the likes of Cristiano Ronaldo and Gareth Bale in recent seasons, as well as attempting to stop Lionel Messi at international level, but Barcelona full-back Dani Alves has called James Milner his most 'annoying' opponent.

Alves, who has won three Champions Leagues and five La Liga titles at the Nou Camp, has come up against Milner in an England shirt three times, and the pair have met the same number of times European competition, most recently last season.

And the Brazil star said it was England's midfielder who made his life the most difficult out of everyone he has played against.

'I have faced many, but the most annoying was James Milner,' Alves told the Times. 'He follows you forward and follows you backwards. It's very difficult because he attacks you and defends you, and then attacks you and defends you again.'

2018年3月2日星期五

(124)〈叢林風光 眾緣和合 短期出家修道會〉

〈叢林風光 眾緣和合 短期出家修道會〉
《人間福報》(台灣高雄),2018年2月10日

文/佛光山叢林學院
一九八八年八月,佛光山首次舉辦短期出家修道會,至今已邁入第三十個年頭。本期短期出家修道會共有百位青年佛子上山受戒,嚴格遵守叢林生活規約,藉由威儀訓練收攝身心,更透過聽經聞法、參禪作務來學習與體驗「行解並重」的僧團生活,引發其對佛法的正見與信心。

青年佛子在這七天的生活中,放下手機、放下萬緣,藉由簡樸的生活,檢視自己的心念,更加深入認識自己,並透過團體生活,了解一切事都需要在眾緣和合下互相配合、互相成就。而在修道會的背後,更有著叢林學院男女眾學部全體師生的護壇團隊,分組承擔不同的工作項目,一同成就圓滿每一期的修道會。

前置作業,必須在活動的前半年開始受理報名,由行政組負責所有作業流程。從開放報名起,便無一刻鬆懈,包括處理報名表、報名者的詢問、資格篩選、面試安排、協助交通住宿、課程安排等;修道會開始後,還要繼續觀照流程是否順暢,各組別之間的工作進度,是否需要協調、調整,這些都由行政組協助,可說是修道會的方向盤,帶領著引禮、教務、佛事、文書、文宣、知賓、庶務等組別。

引禮組,可說是引導新戒菩薩的靈魂人物,只要新戒在哪裡,引禮法師就在哪裡,無時無刻引領著戒子,細心呵護這些菩提幼苗,如法如儀的受持戒律與規矩。當然其他各組,更要能不怕風吹雨打,全力支持引禮組來照顧這些戒子,做引禮組的後盾。

聽經聞法的解門課程,有教務組負責上課地點的布置、接洽講師、播放投影設備及講義印製發放、記錄課程。出家典禮、懺摩、正授、講戒等戒壇儀軌,就要有佛事組來莊嚴壇場及戒壇所需的細節安排;文書與文宣組的工作內容,要負責戒會期間所有的文書資料,包含名牌、證書、指標、流程表、戒壇日記、照片與影片、宣傳與新聞稿等等。
知賓組則是負責接待與觀照,同時也是醫療組,觀照講師、和尚、戒子的需要,提供茶水、觀照戒子的身體狀況、所需之生活用品等。

還有一組,總是在背後默默地供應各組資源所需,那就是庶務組,也就是一般說的總務,舉凡各組需要使用及申請的物品,都由庶務組協助;此外,他們還要準備戒子的盥洗用具、枕頭棉被,以及提供衣單,包含海青、袈裟、衣鉢具、修道服等等;結束後要全部清洗、收納,這些工作人員都默默的在背後,協助修道會順利圓滿。

本期短期出家修道會在檀信樓大齋過堂,多了特別的一組,就是典座行堂組。大寮典座及行堂皆由學院師生共同承擔。佛門有句話說「三千諸佛皆出在廚中」,現代的青年,若不是科班出生,要能協助廚房工作,可說是稀有難得。在大寮裡水深火熱,不論挑菜、洗菜、切菜、炒菜、環境清潔等等,樣樣都是學問,最需要的就是對大眾的供養心;備辦飲食者必須以供養諸佛菩薩的心情來供養大眾,希望大眾吃得天廚妙味,身心自在而能安心辦道。

七天的短期出家修道會,時間雖短,卻可以接引大眾親近佛法、歡喜佛法、深入佛法,並因深入信仰而法喜充滿、改變人生。

佛法的珍貴,不在於能給予我們多少珍寶,而是佛法能照破世間的塵勞昏暗,讓我們看見自己內在的那一顆明珠,我們應當對佛法生起無比的信心與精進心,細心照顧自己的這顆菩提明珠!